Protecting Immigrants

Photography Courtesy of Julian Lucas
Originally Published for Vice Media ©2014

There are some very good bills just introduced in the California Assembly and Senate seeking to provide some protection for immigrants. California’s AB 49 and SB 48 aim to keep federal agents from detaining undocumented students or their families on or near school property without a warrant. While these bills, if passed, would not override federal law, they would work to make it safer for children of immigrants to attend school by making it harder and more time-consuming for agents to enter schools or daycare centers. It is limited—it would delay arrests, though it would not stop them.

In 2014, Murrieta, California, became the site of intense protests as demonstrators clashed over the arrival of buses carrying immigrant families. Protesters held signs with messages like “Save our children from diseases” and “U.S. citizens don’t get a free pass—why should illegals?” These slogans reflected the fear and resistance some Americans feel toward undocumented immigration, even as immigrant families seek safety and stability. That divide remains stark today.

It is important to keep students in school learning, documented or undocumented—not only for their future but for ours as well. Education is one of the most effective tools to create opportunity and stability, both for individuals and for communities as a whole.

There is also the fiscal side of things to consider. Right now (this changes in 2026), the money our schools receive is tied to attendance. Fear of detention or deportation discourages parents from sending their children to school, which not only disrupts their education but also puts school funding at risk.

Currently, 12% of California students have at least one undocumented parent. These children are part of our community and deserve access to a safe and stable education.

Contact your California Senator or Assembly member and ask for their support for AB 49 and SB 48. President Trump intends to “make good” on his campaign promises. Californians need to step up and do what we can.

Update: as of late Tuesday, January 21, 2015, the Trump administration has, according to Newsweek, " reversed longstanding policies that restricted immigration enforcement at sensitive locations such as schools, churches, and hospitals."

Find Your California Representatives
California Legislative Information


Pamela Casey Nagler is currently finishing her book, A Century of Disgrace: The Removal, Enslavement, and Massacre of California’s Indigenous People 1769 - 1869.

Victory Gardens: Where Did They Go? Has Patriotism Traded Roots for Asphalt and Symbols?

Illustration by Julian Lucas ©2024

In the 1940s, American patriotism got their hands dirty. During World War II, “Victory Gardens” sprouted in backyards, empty lots, schoolyards, and public spaces. Although originally called war gardens during World War I beginning in 1917. At their peak, nearly 20 million gardens produced an estimated 40% of the fresh vegetables consumed in the United States. The phrase "victory garden" was first used by the head of the National War Garden Commission, Charles Lathrop Pack during the end of World War I. The word was so popular that it was used again during World War II, when victory gardeners returned to duty. It was more optimistic than "war garden. "These gardens were a response to wartime rationing and strained supply chains, but the gardens were also a powerful symbol of solidarity and resilience. Families, schools, and entire neighborhoods participated, showing that patriotism was a communal effort rooted in a palpable action. 

Victory Gardens were a source of food, but more over they were a cultural movement. Public campaigns encouraged Americans to see gardening as a civic duty, with posters urging citizens to Dig for Victory. Magazines published gardening tips, and communities came together to share seeds and tools. These efforts embodied elements of socialism prioritizing the collective good over individual profit. This means, the Silent Generation, parents of the Baby Boomers, was focused on mutual aid and ensuring that everyone had access to the resources and knowledge they needed to contribute. This sense of shared purpose was a stark contrast to the hyper individualism that dominates present American culture.

WWII Victory Garden Campaign 1942

A Resident of Southwest Washington, DC and her Victory Garden.” Note the service flag in her window. Two stars means two family members serving in the war. Photo by Joseph A. Horne, Office of War Information, June 1943.

Furthermore, the Black community also participated by growing food in their backyards as they were accustomed to gardening. Their resilience persevered during during the time of Victory Gardens because Jim Crow Laws, segregation, and lynching’s were still common. Segregation made it more difficult for Blacks because of the limited access to high quality seeds.

Additionally, Japanese Americans were also encouraged to grow gardens on camp property during the war, despite being forced to relocate to internment camps because of discrimination as well.

In the modern day, collaborative attitudes have diminished. Instead of repurposing public and private land for food production, modern America has embraced privatization and industrialization, additionally consumerism and performative patriotism. Big trucks with American flags as large as king-size bed sheets flapping in the wind, along with social media posts proclaiming allegiance to the nation. The symbols of patriotism are everywhere, flags hanging from houses or planted in green suburban lawns, campaign signs with slogans draped over freeways, and president-branded t-shirts and caps becoming a fashionable trend. However, the substance, acts of service, community building, and self reliance, is increasingly absent. Meanwhile, growing your own food, once seen as a patriotic duty and some has also associated to poverty as it was a necessity for people who couldn’t afford to purchase food from the grocery stores on a regular basis, more so in rural areas. Today, the concepts of growing your own food and farm-to-table dining are often viewed by some as leftist, socialist, or liberal niche interests and are not always taken seriously. However, those who truly understand the value of these practices, particularly people from densely populated and diverse cities, view them as a more health conscious and environmentally responsible alternative to industrialized food, which is commonly served at chain restaurants. Many local restaurants have embraced the farm to table concept. At such places, the commitment to sourcing fresh, local ingredients is evident from the moment you sit down, with servers often highlighting that their food comes directly from local farms.

"Sow the Seeds of Victory!" poster by James Montgomery Flagg, c. 1917. Library of Congress.

The rise of neoliberal policies, championed by politicians on both sides of the aisle, has prioritized privatization over public welfare. Food production has been monopolized by massive corporations focused on profits. Urban food deserts have been flooded with unhealthy processed options, while fresh, affordable produce remains scarce. Land once accessible for community or agricultural use has been parceled out for private development, turning potential gardens into parking lots, strip malls, and luxury housing, all done in the name of the almighty dollar.

Public spaces like parks and sidewalks, which were integral to the Victory Garden movement, are now largely overlooked as resources for combating food insecurity. During World War II, parks and other communal spaces were repurposed for food production, serving as hubs for community gardening. Today, these same spaces are either privatized, with the use of a BID (Business Improvement District) heavily policed by the BID with the use of private security, or restricted in ways that make them inaccessible for urban agriculture. For example, beautification ordinances or privatization deals often prioritize aesthetics and corporate interests over utility and community needs. Sidewalks, which could host planter boxes or small-scale gardens in dense urban areas, are treated as commercial spaces or are heavily regulated to limit community use.

'Dig for Victory' campaign was set up during WWII by the British Ministry of Agriculture. Published 1939

The Victory Garden movement wasn’t just about food, it was about empowerment and resilience. It showed that, in times of crisis, communities could take action to address their own needs. It provided a sense of control and pride at a time when global events felt overwhelming. Imagine how this ethos could transform neighborhoods in food deserts today, where access to healthy food is limited by systemic neglect and corporate-driven policies.

In neighborhoods like Pomona and Claremont, and other surrounding cities vacant lots and neglected public spaces could be transformed into thriving urban farms, although it is understandable the empty lots are privately owned. Instead of being seen as an eyesore or impractical, these spaces could become the heart of a modern “Victory Garden” movement, one that combats food deserts, fosters community, and challenges the dominance of profit-driven food systems.Additionally, Victory Gardens can go as far as to broaden its reach by collaborating with restaurants, bringing the farm to table culinary experience to life. This would mean instead of your salad coming from bagged treated lettuce, it would come directly down the street from the Victory Garden. 

Published 1917 Courtesy of Library of Congress

If patriotism is about having pride and loving your country, it must also mean caring for all its people, not just protecting corporate profits or only a certain group of people. A modern “patriotic gardening” movement could reclaim urban spaces, empowering all disinvested communities throughout America to combat food insecurity. By reinvesting in public spaces and rejecting neoliberal policies that prioritize profit over people, we could bring the spirit of Victory Gardens back to life.

Real patriotism isn’t performative. It’s all about action, getting your hands dirty to build something sustainable. Today, planting a garden could be one of the most radical acts of modern patriotism, opposing privatization and empowering communities. The seeds of a more equitable America are waiting to be sown, it’s time we planted them.


Julian Lucas, is a photographer, a purveyor of books, and writer, but mostly a photographer. Don’t ever ask him to take photos of weddings or quinceaneras, because he will charge you a ton of money.

Rest in Power: Former President Jimmy Carter on Israel/Palestine

President Carter was a supporter of Israel - and Palestine. In March 1977, at the beginning of his presidency, he announced, “The first prerequisite of a lasting peace is the recognition of Israel by her neighbors, Israel’s right to exist, Israel’s right to exist permanently.” 

Carter never wavered from that position, despite condemnations hurled at him by Israelis and Israel’s
American boosters for the rest of his life because Carter also supported Palestinian rights.

Later, in his book published in 2006, Palestine: Peace not Apartheid, the former President advocated for the Palestinians:

“Peace will come to Israel and the Middle East only when the Israeli government is willing to comply with international law…It will be a tragedy – for the Israelis, the Palestinians, and the world—if peace is rejected and a system of oppression, apartheid, and sustained violence is permitted to prevail.”

And he told journalist Amy Goodman in 2007:

“And the word “apartheid” is exactly accurate. Within Palestinian territory, they are absolutely and totally separated, much worse than they were in South Africa, by the way. And the other thing is, the other definition of “apartheid” is, one side dominates the other. And the Israelis completely dominate the life of the Palestinian people.”

RIP, President Jimmy Carter. We are grateful for your service.


Pamela Casey Nagler, Pomona-born, is an independent scholar, currently conducting research on California’s indigenous people, focusing on the Spanish, Russian, Mexican and US invasions between 1769 and the 1860s. The point of studying this history is to tell us how we got here from there. 

Turning Back the Pages: 15 (or so) Takeaways from Jimmy Carter's 1976 Playboy Interview

Playboy Magazine, founded by Hugh Hefner on April 9, 1926, became an iconic publication celebrated not only for glamor nude photography, but also for its exceptional journalism. On March 18, 2020, just days after the world shut down due to the pandemic, CEO Ben Kohn announced that the Spring issue would be the last to be printed, marking the publication’s transition to an online-only format.

Hugh Hefner, a Chicago-born publisher and editor, created more than just a magazine he built one of the most recognizable global platforms of its kind, offering content that appealed to diverse audiences. Hefner once explained his view of obscenity as “racism, war, and bigotry,” rejecting the notion that sex was taboo. He famously stated, “What a cold world this would be if we weren’t sexual beings. That’s the heart of who we are.”

Hefner was also a passionate supporter of civil rights, though that deserves a deeper exploration in another article.

In 1976, Jimmy Carter made an unexpected and bold move during his presidential campaign, by giving an interview to Playboy magazine. It was a surprising choice, given the magazine’s provocative reputation, but Carter wasn’t one to shy away from connecting with people, even through unconventional means. At a time when trust in government was at an all-time low, Carter saw this as an opportunity to speak directly to Americans about who he was, his values, struggles, and hopes for the country.

One of the most talked about moments from the interview was Carter’s admission of having “lust in his heart.” It was a raw and deeply personal statement, rooted in his Christian faith, where he confessed that, like everyone else, he wasn’t perfect. He struggled with temptations, just as we all do. By sharing this, Carter wasn’t just baring his soul he was reaching out to voters in a deeply human way, showing that even a man running for president had flaws and wrestled with moral challenges.

Carter also wanted to make one thing clear, his faith shaped his values, but it wouldn’t dictate how he governed. He strongly believed in the separation of church and state. To him, America was a place for everyone, no matter what they believed. His faith gave him the foundation to serve others, but he wasn’t about to impose those beliefs on anyone else. It was a balancing act, but one he thought was essential for fairness and unity.

At the center of Carter’s campaign was a promise of honesty and transparency. He had seen how scandals like Watergate and the Vietnam War had shattered the public’s trust in government. Carter wanted to change by turning the page on that chapter of American politics. He spoke openly about his frustration with the lies and secrecy that had become so common, and he promised to lead with integrity. For Carter, leadership wasn’t about power it was about trust and service. Wished more presidents were like this, including state and city politicians.

Though many people would think the goal of a president is to be a fixer of politics, however, Carter’s vision wasn’t just about fixing Washington, it was about people. He cared deeply about human rights, both in other parts of the world and at home. On the global stage, he promised to stand up for freedom and justice. At home, he was committed to civil rights, a passion that came from growing up in the segregated South. Carter had witnessed racism up close and knew it wasn’t just a Southern problem it was a moral failing that the entire nation needed to address.

Furthermore, humility was another cornerstone of Carter’s beliefs. He didn’t see leadership as a stage for self-promotion but as a duty to serve others. He talked about the dangers of pride in politics, warning that arrogance and self righteousness could lead to destructive choices. Instead, he championed humility and forgiveness, believing that progress came from understanding, not division.

Being raised in rural Georgia, was a big part in shaping who he was. He often credited his early years with teaching him the values of hard work, honesty, and empathy. Those lessons stayed with him, guiding his vision for America, a country where people worked together, treated each other with kindness, and overcame challenges as one.

Additionally, Carter wasn’t afraid to push back against the superficiality of politics. Carter believed voters deserved sincerity, not empty promises or the usual cony political commentary. He wanted people to see him as he was flawed, honest, and genuinely trying to do the right thing.

Even his decision to give the Playboy interview reflected his approach. Carter knew the magazine had a controversial reputation, but he also recognized its broad reach. He didn’t shy away from the opportunity to engage with people where they were, even if it meant raising a few eyebrows. To him, it was worth it if it allowed him to connect authentically with a wider audience.

Ultimately, Carter’s Playboy interview was more than just a campaign moment, it was a reflection of who he was as a human. It showed his willingness to be vulnerable, his commitment to integrity, and his belief in leading with humility. At its core, it captured the tension between a nation that publicly clings to puritanical values but often struggles with contradictions behind closed doors, which is more prevalent in the political landscape today. Carter wasn’t afraid to confront those complexities, offering a vision of leadership that was as real and human as he was.


Julian Lucas, is a darkroom photographer, a purveyor of books, and writer, but mostly a photographer. Don’t ever ask him to take photos of weddings or quinceaneras, because he will charge you a ton of money.

Claremont: Your Theater is Circling the Drain – Rediscover the Magic Before It’s Gone

Run Lola Run
Laemmle Claremont 5
Photography Julian Lucas ©2024

Claremont, California, has long prided itself on being a hub of intellectual vibrancy. Surrounded by a cluster of colleges with a three billion dollar endowment, and a rich history of creativity. Claremont used to be an artistic exploration that thrived. The emphasis here is on "used to be." These days, it feels like everything dope (cool) has been plundered. Those who were lucky enough to experience Claremont’s once bustling art scene probably yearn for the good ol' days when it was more avant-garde and less chain consumerism focused entities. Ironically, Claremont is often called the "City of Trees and PhDs." You’d think a city that bills itself this way would have at least one bookstore, right? But Claremont did have bookstores! In fact, it used to have several. Like anything else good, those have whistled away with the wind.

But this article isn’t really about bookstores, although I have to say, Mirrored Society Bookstore was something else. It was a fine art bookstore that specialized in limited edition photobooks, and let's just say it was probably the most artistically innovative, avant-garde, and dare I say controversial bookstore in all of suburbia. I mean, where else could you walk in and buy a signed book by Nobuyoshi Araki, imported straight from Japan, or pick up a title like Street Walker by Scot Sothern. Yeah, that last one definitely earned us many side eyes and warnings from the suburban crowd. But hey, we were pushing the envelope right off the table and into uncharted territory. Although we thought we'd be embraced given Claremont’s cultural history, we weren't. It was quite the opposite.

Today, Claremont has transformed, and in the process, it has lost its creatives. What was once a thriving hub for artistic expression has begun to change in ways that risk stifling that very spirit. The arrival of more corporate chains and the growing trend toward mainstream establishments are slowly reshaping Claremont’s unique cultural landscape. The 1990s era of the dimly lit coffee shops has vanished and for those who remember, the bohemian, feminist, and "hippie art” paintings of trees or abstract self nudes adorning the off white walls, mismatched chairs surrounding coffee stained tables, and teas from around the world lining the entire counter. Additionally, these spaces were home to uncensored conversations about anything and everything, free from someone becoming triggered, offended, or distractedly reaching for their phone to scroll due to a dwindling attention span.

Now coffee shops have the aesthetics of a dentist office with lifeless blank white walls. iPads are used for cash registers, matching furniture, youngsters trying to live a hippie life, however are more sensitive to conversations, everyone gets triggered, and now more than ever humans have lost conversation to scrolling or constantly checking their phones.

But let's get into it. Now is a crucial time for the community to recognize what it stands to lose especially when it comes to independence.

Laemmle Theatre, a haven known for its independent, international, and art house cinema serves as a sharp reminder that Claremont’s film scene is at a crossroads. Laemmle is more than just a movie theater; it's a cultural hub, offering an array of films, but it's time for Laemmle to start pushing the boundaries a bit and offer more films that represent the LGBTQ+ community and more indie and foreign films. How about showcasing films shot on 35mm? Why not take it back to the old school with screenings of films like Y Tu Mamá También? It might piss a few people off, but who cares, it would undoubtedly attract and broaden the range of audiences who can love and appreciate those kinds of films. And yes we understand old films can be streamed. But you can also pop popcorn at home. That has never stopped anyone from buying theater pop corn.

Anyway, Claremont continues to face a void that needs to be filled. Maybe more screenings of independent films out here in the 909? Make those cool actors drive 30 miles east to do talks out this way, because doesn’t suburbia matter? 

The shift towards conformity has threatened and has drowned the free-spirited essence that has defined the city’s charm. The soul of Claremont has slowly been redefined by chain driven consumerism, and the cultural vibrancy that once drew artists, thinkers, and nonconformists to the area is in danger of becoming a mere shadow of its former self.

This cultural shift highlights the significance of the arts, including galleries, museums, indie films, and the cultivation of an environment where alternative voices can thrive. This is not just about cinema; it's about preserving Claremont’s identity as a place where creativity is celebrated, controversy is embraced, and nonconformity isn’t just tolerated, but actively encouraged. In a world where mainstream entertainment often leans toward homogenized, feel-good content, Claremont’s film scene needs to be a place that challenges its audience, that sparks discussion, and yes—sometimes creates controversy.

The recent events of Laemmle Theatre announcing its closure and most recently being added to an auction which failed, doesn’t have to signal the end of independent films in Claremont. Rather, it should be a catalyst for reinvention. However, with reinvention comes creativity, yes money as well, it's understandable. 

But the question remains, is there still a driving culture of creativity within a city that prides itself as “the city of trees and PhDs? Is there enough interest that would spark more interest for indie films to thrive? 

What about such initiatives as a film festival? It would not only fill the cultural void but also attract diverse audiences from around the world to celebrate creativity, and put Claremont on the map as a hub for independent and artistic cinema. With its intellectual resources and diverse population, Claremont is uniquely positioned to host a festival that celebrates films which push boundaries, provoke thought, and explore new ways of storytelling. By focusing on the kind of films that are often sidelined by major studios, Claremont could carve out a niche for itself as a cultural hotspot for filmmakers and film lovers alike.Claremont is a college town, how about partnering with the colleges, maybe Pitzer College? This is a potential rallying point for Claremont’s creative community, providing a platform for local filmmakers and drawing audiences who crave more than just commercial blockbusters.

But to make this a reality, the community must step up. It’s not enough to hope for change from the top down; residents, students, and local leaders need to show active support for indie cinema by attending screenings, encouraging local theaters to take risks, and advocating for more diverse programming. Claremont must recognize that this city isn’t just a place where people go to eat burgers, drink beer and ladies go to get their hair done, it’s a space where art should challenge, inspire, and at times, provoke.

Moreover, Claremont must remember that part of what makes it special is its willingness to embrace controversy and nonconformity. It’s time for Claremont to make a stand. The city should become a place where unconventional stories can be told and where the celebration of art doesn't have to come with a safe, mass-market appeal. We need more films that question the status quo, more films that engage with pressing social issues, and more films that stir the pot.

In short, Claremont’s film scene needs to evolve to match the intellectual and fill the void of the artistic energy in the city. By embracing indie films, hosting a film festival, and supporting unconventional storytelling, Claremont can assert itself as a city that values culture over convenience and creativity over conformity. It’s time to push back against the growing tide of uniformity and reclaim Claremont's place as a haven for free thinkers, artists, and filmmakers.

Claremont can’t stand to lose Laemmle Theatre. This is an opportunity, It’s a call to take action, a chance for the Claremonters to step up and ensure that the city remains a place where independent cinema can thrive. But to do so, residents and leaders must recognize what they stand to lose, and take deliberate steps to ensure that Claremont continues to be a space where controversy is welcomed, and creativity is celebrated. If the city wants to preserve its unique identity, it must embrace the films that reflect the diverse, intellectual, and nonconformist spirit that made Claremont great in the first place.


Julian Lucas, is a photographer, a purveyor of books, and writer, but mostly a photographer. Don’t ever ask him to take photos of weddings or quinceaneras, because he will charge you a ton of money.

Pomona’s Parched Press: Navigating Life in a News Desert

According to a report by Northwestern University, “The U.S. saw the loss of an average of two newspapers per week between late 2019 and May 2022, leaving an estimated 70 million people in places that are already news deserts and areas that are in high risk of becoming so. . . . If the trend continues, a third of newspapers will be lost by 2025.”

Collage by Julian Lucas ©2024

Here in Pomona, if this election cycle demonstrated anything, it demonstrated the ramifications of losing the local press. Traditionally, local news has played a critical role in holding power to account, informing residents about local events, and fostering community engagement. However, this election cycle, without adequate local reporting, we were left in a swirl of rumor and innuendo that proved hard to refute. Many discussions dissolved into social media trolling. Citizens, barraged with scandalous accusations, watched as our city became more polarized than ever.

This election cycle, voters were basically left to their own devices, and individuals conducting their own research found out that it was not an easy task. Even attempts to locate something fairly simple and fairly straightforward like campaign financing was fraught with obstacles and obfuscations. The City of Pomona’s website led citizens on a bewildering wild goose chase this election round.

In this, Pomona is simply following a disturbing national trend. Across the country, once vibrant newsrooms that have served as the backbone of our local communities, have diminished, leaving many regions without reliable sources for news. Taking into consideration the size of Pomona (population 145,000), the choices are slim indeed. Voters are basically limited to the Inland Valley Daily Bulletin, La Nueva Voz, social media (Facebook, Instagram, Nextdoor), and yours truly, the Pomonan. While Pomonans may not know about the circumstances and conditions of the local newsrooms, they know firsthand what it is like to live in a news desert.


So what are we receiving, and are not receiving, from these news sources?

Though many think of the Inland Valley Daily Bulletin as a local, it really is not. In actuality, it is part of a vast news conglomerate, only masquerading as a local news outlet with but a handful of local reporters. Founded in 1885, over the years, it earned a well-deserved reputation as an independent local newspaper but, in 1999, it was sold to the Southern California News Group (SCNG) which publishes 11 Southern California dailies among other things. Few people recognize that SCNG controls much of Southern California so-called local reporting. With a readership of 6.2 million, it is a big stretch to say their concerns are local. But that is not the extent of it. SCNG is, in turn, operated by Digital First Media (aka the Tribune News Media Group), which is the second biggest newspaper company in the country with 77 daily newspapers. Digital First media, in turn, is owned by the hedge fund, Alden Global Capital, a firm with a reputation for eviscerating independent news sources by prioritizing short-term profits over journalistic integrity and service to the community.

Newspapers have faced an unprecedented decline in recent years, for all sorts of economic reasons, but certainly the entry of the hedge funders and private equity firms into the local news market have resulted in gaps in community reporting and information dissemination. Vanity Fair’s media reporter, Joe Pompeo, in his February 5, 2022, article, The Hedge Fund Vampire That Bleeds Newspapers Dry, skewered Alden Global Capital for its predatory behavior: “In its mission to squeeze the last profits out of newspapers, Alden Global Capital has eliminated the jobs of scores of reporters and editors, and decimated journalism in cities all over the country.”

When Alden Global Capital gutted the Chicago Tribune, its reporters wrote, “This stripping of assets built the personal wealth of Alden investors but crippled news outlets that have been vital to American democracy.”

Washington Post media critic Margaret Sullivan called Alden Global Capital  “one of the most ruthless of the corporate strip-miners seemingly intent on destroying local journalism.” She explains that the profit-driven model has led to layoffs, reduced coverage, and the closure of entire newsrooms. Further, she calls this the “ghosting” of local journalism. Once-thriving newsrooms have been hollowed out, leaving behind only a shadow of their former selves.

And research analyst Doug Arthur described Alden Global Capital as “the ultimate cash flow mercenary. They want to find cash flow and bleed it to death.”

During its heyday, the Inland Valley Daily Bulletin (IVDB) was much more rigorous and deeply embedded in the community, playing a vital role in fostering civic engagement and accountability. Today, the diminished coverage under ownership by a hedge fund, leaves a void in the community, underscoring the broader consequences of dwindling local news sources.

At best, the IVDB sends out a reporter a couple of times a year to visit City Council chambers, and it is common practice for the San Gabriel News Group to print the same editorial in all 11 of its dailies. If a reader wants to rebut that editorial, their letter to the editor (if accepted), only appears in one local - and none of the others. In order to truly rebut the editorial, the reader would have to submit something like 11 letters to all of the dailies and they would have to, in turn, be accepted and printed by all of them. Commonly, the editorials SGNG prints skew conservative or libertarian due to the monied interests of the hedge fund and private equity fund owners.

Pomona’s other local news source is La Nueva Voz (LNV), “the little engine that could.” With limited resources, it punches above its weight, but there is no way that LNV can provide the “comprehensive coverage of community and business news,” as it claims to cover, since it only publishes once a month. And even though La Nueva Voz also calls itself a “bilingual (English/Spanish) community newspaper” this is not consistently reflected in its pdf and print publications. It is an admirable stretch goal that LNV doesn’t meet.

However, that’s not the worst of it. La Nueva Voz, dependent on local advertisers, is consistently biased in its reporting, highlighting candidates, politicians, structures that support and prop up the power elite. More often than not, it supports politicians and perspectives that align with their own interests, shielding those they favor from criticism and while placing their rivals it does not favor under intense scrutiny.

A case in point is La Nueva Voz’ recent, very biased coverage of Measure Y, the Kids First Initiative. In La Nueva Voz November 28th edition, publisher Jeff Schenkel tips his hand when he editorializes against the Initiative in what LNV posts as an article reporting on the passage of Measure Y.

In the second line of the first paragraph of his article, LNV’s publisher suggests that the Measure may be challenged in the courts before it is ever implemented, even though the publisher fails to report who plans to challenge it and on what grounds. Buried deep into the article, the publisher admits he has no particular intel to divulge. In the 24th paragraph, the publisher quotes Councilmember Steve Lustro as saying he “had not heard about anyone saying the city would file legal action if the measure passed.”

The publisher, though he asserts that legal action is imminent, he has no particular news or intel to report. The Pomona’s City Council has not yet brought up the matter publicly which raises the issue of journalistic integrity. With no substantiation or authentication of his claim, should his readership be grateful that he is circulating a whisper campaign that is occurring from behind the scenes of the power elite? Or should his readership be dismayed because it appears that he is goading our elected and appointed officials to undermine the Kids First Initiative even after it achieved a clear majority (62.5%) in November’s election?

In his third paragraph, the publisher casts doubt on the Measure’s supporters saying that they “tout” the advantages of youth programs - as if research and statistics have not backed up their supposition. And in the fifth paragraph, the publisher opines that the supporters and voters who passed the Initiative are ignorant, by saying, “the way these things generally work out, the title of the measure is often the only thing voters read before marking their ballots.” 

What is particularly damning to La Nueva Voz is that the publisher attacks Measure Y’s supporters, but does not include comments from them or a mention that he attempted to reach out to them.

In the publisher’s ninth paragraph of his article, he asks the rhetorical question, “Did we mention that the two biggest funders of the measure were outside of Pomona?” This became a tired trope of the opposition to Y campaign, but here the publisher fails to mention that the opposition to Measure Y also took money from out-of-towners.

The publisher suggests that there is something spurious about taking money from two California-based non-profits - one from the Bay area and one from LA. However, any scrutiny reveals that both of these are organizations who have pledged their support for early childhood education and human rights issues in the state and in the county. Pomona, on the edge of Los Angeles and San Bernardino Counties, is often forgotten when money and resources are distributed, so it is difficult to discern why the publisher is so upset that a non-profit in Pomona accepted funding from an LA County-centric non-profit that wants “to transform Los Angeles in areas of education, health, immigration and housing.” His criticism seems weak and suspect, indeed, considering Pomona’s socio-economic challenges. It would seem that few would refuse such help, if offered.

More fittingly, maybe the more appropriate nickname for La Nueva Voz should be ‘the little engine that should.’ It should be a reasonable voice, but it does not quite reach its potential. Still, in a vast sea of near nothingness, La Nueva Voz occupies an important niche. It remains as a commendable effort to deliver local news against the odds.

Pomonans, following the national trend, have turned to social media (Instagram, Facebook, Nextdoor) for news, clinging to it for its convenience and speed in spite of the fact it has proven to be both unreliable and inaccurate. Commonly, no one is fact-checking. News on social media consists of short sound bites rather than sustained logical reasoning - and people feel free to shamelessly attack others. Few would dispute the fact that social media serves up its ‘news’ on a platter of snarkiness. Even though most sites post community standards, few abide by the rules, especially if they’re the moderator. For the most part, sites go unmonitored. Where social media is concerned, it is still the wild, wild west.

Finally, there is one more source - The Pomonan. That said, The Pomonan is not even trying to fill the local news void. A fiercely independent news source, upon occasion it steps in to answer the gaping needs of a population thirsty for information, however,  nobody ever should or would turn to The Pomonan to get their daily dose of news. People turn to The Pomonan, a digital global magazine operating without advertisers, for local information when they want commentary delivered with a little salt and pepper. The Pomonan exists as a catalyst for change and its function is to encourage dialogue.

So, there it is. Pomona has become a textbook case of what happens when local journalism vanishes. The result?  less civic engagement, less meaningful discourse, more divisive polarization - and in the end, we are less for it.


Pamela Casey Nagler, Pomona-born, is an independent scholar, currently conducting research on California’s indigenous people, focusing on the Spanish, Russian, Mexican and US invasions between 1769 and the 1860s. The point of studying this history is to tell us how we got here from there. 

Julian Lucas, is a photographer, a purveyor of books, and writer, but mostly a photographer. Don’t ever ask him to take photos of weddings or quinceaneras, because he will charge you a ton of money.

Do we feel safer every year the police budget increases?

Photography ©Julian Lucas

Updated 12/06/2024 5:52pm PT

More than half of the City of Pomona’s budget goes toward funding the Police. This is historically true, and it is still true today. It is an emphasis that we need to continually scrutinize - even with the recent passage of Measure Y that reallocates 10% of the City’s General Funds to child and youth services by the years 2030-2031. 

Pomona’s police budget has increased about $20 million since 2020, and currently $80 million is allocated for Police. This was enabled, in part, with the voters’ approval of the 0.75% sales tax in 2018, and again in spring of 2024, that has resulted in an influx of about 16.8 million more dollars per year to the City’s General Fund.

It is a sobering fact that at the same time as the police budget has increased, the City’s homicide rate has basically remained the same. Since 2016, the City has averaged about 17 homicides a year. Which means that preventing violent crime remains a constant and ongoing concern, raising all sorts of basic questions:

Is the amount of funding devoted to policing translating into safer streets and effective crime reduction, or is this funding failing to address the root causes of violence?

Will allocating a slightly bigger slice of the City’s overall budget to youth programs, with the passage of Measure Y, help us secure safer streets and see a reduction of crime?

Now that our governing bodies, the City Council and Commissioners, are charged with allocating more funds toward child and youth services, are the individuals that make up the governing body, including Pomona’s Mayor, capable of being creative enough to manage a large city like Pomona?

Many members of the City Council and various commissions actively campaigned against Measure Y. Among them was the Pomona Police Officers Association, which contributed nearly $25,000 to the "No on Measure Y" campaign opposing the Pomona Kids First Initiative. Despite their efforts, the measure passed with a 62.5% majority. Their slogan? “The Wrong Way to Help Pomona’s Children.”

This raises an important question: given their level of opposition to Pomona’s Kids First Initiative, are they capable of making the new funding formulas work?

The City’s traditional disproportionate focus on police, while homicide rates remained roughly the same, means that there continues to be room for reflection and re-evaluation. It is with great hope that by enhancing support for community-driven initiatives and preventative strategies, Pomona can build a more holistic approach to public safety. It is also with great hope that focusing funding for youth will not only address the immediate needs of our young population, but also address long-term reductions in crime.

THE NUMBER OF HOMICIDES SINCE 2016:

2016: 13 Homicides
2017: 17 Homicides
2018: 17 Homicides
2019: 12 Homicides
2020: 13 Homicides
2021: 21 Homicides
2022: 19 Homicides
2023 :  (Pending) Discrepancy

In 2023, there was a body found  “in front of a house on Towne Ave, titled, ‘Suspicious Death’ (Reference# P000288-091324).This unfortunate incident, which took place July 1, 2023 at 5:45 am has not been included in The Pomonan Homicide Report count. When the Pomonan submitted a public records request on this incident, the city’s response was vague and only stated information of what officers observed upon their response. The request did not state if this incident was deemed a homicide.

After submitting a public records request for the total number of homicides in 2023, the city reported a figure of 14. However, our independent review and cross-referencing of the data revealed the actual total to be 16. Notably, the city's report included one incident classified as manslaughter, which does not meet the criteria for homicide.

This raises important questions about whether all homicides are being accurately reported in the city’s crime data. Are all homicides being included in the official reports, or are some intentionally left out and swept under the asbestos, making it appear that the homicide rate is decreasing when it may not be?

Do we feel safer every year the police budget increases? 

Rep Norma Torres Votes to Give Trump Unchecked Power to Pursue His "Domestic Enemies"

On November 21, Pomona’s Congresswoman Norma Torres, a Democrat, sided with the House Republicans to pass an act that would allow the US secretary of treasury to revoke an non-profit organization’s tax-exempt status by labeling it as “terrorist-supporting.”

This Act, called the Stop Terror-Financing and Tax Penalties on American Hostages Act, comes with few checks and balances, and the vast majority of Democrats are wondering why, in this political atmosphere, with a newly-elected president who has vowed to use his presidential powers to wreak vengeance against his “domestic enemies,” Democrats would support such an act.

In all fairness, Torres was not the only Democrat who voted in favor. However, she is one of a minority of fifteen who have won the dubious distinction of crossing party lines to favor an Act that would only make it easier for the President-elect to pursue his enemies. The other Democrats include: Colin Allred (Texas), Yadira D. Caraveo (Colorado), Ed Case (Hawaii), Henry Cuellar (Texas), Don Davis (North Carolina), Jared Golden (Maine), Vicente Gonzalez (Texas), Suzanne Marie Lee (Nevada), Jared Moskowitz (Florida), Jimmy Panetta (California), Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (Washington), Brad Schneider (Illinois), Tom Suozzi (New York) and Debbie Wasserman Schultz (Florida).

Last week, the same bill failed to advance out of the House because it failed to garner the two-thirds majority needed to pass during a suspension of the lower chamber’s rules. It was subsequently sent back to committee and retooled for a simple majority vote. While 52 Democrats voted for the bill previously, enormous pressure was applied to get those who backed the bill last week to come out against it.

The bill was originally aimed at curtailing the legal actions of pro-Palestinian protesters, and is extremely problematic as it messes with citizens’ basic right to free speech as outlined in the First Amendment of the Constitution. It's also redundant. It is already illegal to provide material support to terrorist organizations.

While it is unlikely that President Joe Biden will sign this bill into law, the same cannot be said for President-elect Trump. The bill, if passed, would make it possible for his administration to place punishing sanctions on many activist organizations, certain universities along with any number of news outlets to raise or bank money. The Act would prevent sanctioned organizations from pursuing legal recourse to plead their case.

Pomonans, who voted overwhelmingly for Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris, should be wondering why their House representative Norma Torres, sided with the Republicans this round. Norma Torres, whose interest are you representing?


The Pomonan editorial board consists of opinion journalists whose perspectives are shaped by their expertise, research, discussions, and established principles. This board operates independently from the newsroom.

Holding Commissioner Appointees, and Elected Officials Accountable

It's election time, (ballots drop October 7), and it's well past time for both elected and appointed officials to begin holding themselves accountable when they campaign on issues.  Every time they weigh in on a measure or issue in the press or on social media, their statements should be accompanied with the simple statement:

"[Name of an appointed or elected official] is the [official title] for the City of Pomona, but the opinions expressed here are solely my own.

Other cities and school boards require this. It's written in their protocols and considered best practice. 

C'mon Pomona leadership, it's time to ensure that you separate your personal politics from the position you were either elected or appointed to. Stop abusing your power.


The Pomonan is the cultural structure, empowering visionaries to propel the global society to the future.

In the Face of Rising Heat, OSHA’s New Rule is an Indispensable Protection for Workers 

Photography courtesy of Julian Lucas

So far, 2023 has been the hottest year on record. With wet-bulb temperature heatwaves and heat-related ailments on the rise, it becomes ever more obvious that capitalist-caused climate change is an existential threat to the human race, and to the majority of life on Earth. Immediately - indeed, in the past - it has already been an existential threat for those most vulnerable to extreme weather conditions, and most especially the global working class. Day laborers, construction workers, farmworkers, warehouse workers, just to name a few, all face the dangers of extreme heat at the workplace every single day. It is for this reason that the Pomona Economic Opportunity Center has devoted such time and effort to outreach to its members and community about newly proposed heat-related OSHA regulations

“The Biden-Harris administration has unveiled a proposed OSHA rule aimed at protecting roughly 36 million workers from health risks posed by extreme heat,” the Occupational Health and Safety Magazine (OHS) reported on July 9th, 2024. “If finalized, this would cover indoor and outdoor work settings, aiming to reduce heat-related injuries, illnesses and fatalities.” 

According to the OHS, the new OSHA regulations include more thorough evaluations of heat risks in the workplace, as well as the wider application of measures to improve workplace conditions, such as mandatory provision of free drinking water on-site, enforced rest breaks and controls on indoor temperature. New and returning employees not yet acclimated to extreme heat would receive extra attention. 

In a recent statement in regards to these new nationwide regulations, Assistant Secretary for Occupational Safety and Health Doug Parker said “Workers all over the country are passing out, suffering heat stroke and dying from heat exposure from just doing their jobs, and something must be done to protect them.” 

The new rules were proposed on July 2nd, 2024, under the name “Heat Injury and Illness Prevention in Outdoor and Indoor Work Settings.” Along with the regulations discussed above, the new rules would mandate that workplaces “implement control

measures at two distinct heat exposure thresholds.” Morgan Lewis reports that the two heat exposure thresholds are the following: 

“An ‘initial heat trigger’ equal to a heat index of 80 degrees Fahrenheit or a ‘wet bulb globe temperature’ equal to the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH) Recommended Alert Limit 

A ‘higher heat trigger’ equal to a heat index of 90 degrees Fahrenheit or a ‘wet bulb globe temperature’ equal to the NIOSH Recommended Exposure Limit” 

When these thresholds are reached, Morgan Lewis goes on to provide the full list of control measures discussed briefly above. In addition to the threshold-control measures, employers are required to draft and present a plan for their workplace, “referred to as the Heat Injury and Illness Prevention Plan (HIIPP), containing worksite-specific information developed with the input of ‘non-managerial employees and their representatives.” That workers themselves would be consulted in the drafting of these on-site plans, should this new rule be implemented, would be a significant victory for the working class, a testament to our capacity to fight for our demands and make our voices understood by employers and the state. 

Among other things, HIIPPs must include: (a) A comprehensive list of all work activities covered; (b) All policies and procedures necessary to comply with the standard; and (c) A heat illness and emergency response plan.

However, this new set of rules, despite the glaring and obvious need of them in the face of the growing ecological crisis, will likely meet with opposition in the Supreme Court. In a recent court-ruling, Republican-led states and anti-regulatory interests have contended that Congress unconstitutionally delegated its powers to the executive branch by giving “such broad authority to the agency [OSHA],” the agency responsible for setting and enforcing all workplace standards. In other words, while this charge was dismissed by the court, two dissenting justices - Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch - are questioning OSHA’s right to exist, let alone expand upon already insufficient controls.

Taking the long view, it is no exaggeration to say the most basic and essential right of working people - the right to life and safety - is in jeopardy. Not only is it a question if these vital regulations will be implemented in the near future, but OSHA’s capacity to function in any capacity may be undermined, if the two dissenting Justices - and the rapacious business interests they represent - have their way in a future court ruling. As always, it is class struggle, the willingness of working people everywhere to organize, fight and take command, that will decide these vital questions. The clock is ticking.


SPANISH TRANSLATION 

Ante el Aumento del calor, la Nueva Regla de OSHA es una Protección Indispensable para los Trabajadores

Hasta ahora, el 2023 ha sido el año mas caluroso en registrado. Con el aumento ahumento  de las olas de calor de bulbo húmedo y las dolencias relacionadas con el calor, se vuelve cada vez más obvio que el cambio climático causado por el capitalismo es una amenaza existencial para la raza humana y para la mayoría de la vida en la Tierra. Inmediatamente -de hecho, en el pasado- ya ha sido una amenaza existencial para los más vulnerables a las condiciones climáticas extremas, y muy especialmente para la clase trabajadora mundial. Los jornaleros, trabajadores de la construcción, trabajadores agrícolas, trabajadores de almacenes, solo por nombrar algunos, enfrentan los peligros del calor extremo en el lugar de trabajo todos los días. Es por esta razón que el Centro de Oportunidad Económica de Pomona ha dedicado tanto tiempo y esfuerzo a comunicar a sus miembros y a la comunidad sobre nuevas propuestas sobre medidas relacionadas con la calor por Cal OSHA 

“La administración Biden-Harris ha presentado una regla propuesta de OSHA destinada a proteger a aproximadamente 36 millones de trabajadores de los riesgos para la salud que plantea el calor extremo”, informó la Revista de Seguridad y Salud Ocupacional (OHS) el 9 de julio de 2024. “Si se finaliza, esto cubrirá entornos de trabajo interiores y exteriores, con el objetivo de reducir las lesiones, enfermedades y muertes relacionadas con el calor”.

Según la OHS, las nuevas regulaciones de OSHA incluyen evaluaciones más exhaustivas de los riesgos de calor en el lugar de trabajo, así como la aplicación más amplia de medidas para mejorar las condiciones del lugar de trabajo, como el suministro obligatorio de agua potable gratuita en el lugar, descansos obligatorios y controles. sobre la temperatura interior. Los empleados nuevos y recurrentes que aún no se hayan aclimatado al calor extremo recibirán atención adicional.

En una reciente declaración  con respecto a estas nuevas regulaciones a nivel nacional, el Subsecretario de Seguridad y Salud Ocupacional, Doug Parker, dijo: "Los trabajadores de todo el país se están desmayando, sufriendo insolación y muriendo por exposición al calor simplemente por hacer su trabajo, y se debe hacer algo". hecho para protegerlos”.

Las nuevas reglas se propusieron el 2 de Julio de 2024  , bajo el nombre "Prevención de enfernedades y lesiones por calor en trabajos interiores o exteriores."  Junto con las regulaciones discutidas anteriormente, las nuevas reglas exigirán que los lugares de trabajo “implementen controles medidas en dos umbrales distintos de exposición al calor”. Morgan Lewis informa que los dos umbrales de exposición al calor son los siguientes:

“Un ‘desencadenante de calor inicial’ igual a un índice de calor de 80 grados Fahrenheit o una ‘temperatura global de bulbo húmedo’ igual al límite de alerta recomendado por el Instituto Nacional de Seguridad y Salud Ocupacional (NIOSH) 

Un 'desencadenante de calor más alto' igual a un índice de calor de 90 grados Fahrenheit o una 'temperatura global de bulbo húmedo' igual al límite de exposición recomendado por NIOSH”.

Cuando se alcanzan estos umbrales, Morgan Lewis proporciona la lista completa de medidas de control analizadas brevemente anteriormente. Además de las medidas de control de umbrales, los empleadores deben redactar y presentar un plan para su lugar de trabajo, “denominado Plan de Prevención de Enfermedades y Lesiones por Calor (HIIPP), que contiene información específica del lugar de trabajo desarrollada con el aporte de 'no profesionales'. empleados directivos y sus representantes”. Que los propios trabajadores sean consultados en la redacción de estos planes in situ, en caso de que se implemente esta nueva regla, sería una victoria significativa para la clase trabajadora, un testimonio de nuestra capacidad para luchar por nuestras demandas y hacer que los empleadores entiendan nuestras voces. y el estado.

Entre otras cosas, los HIIPP deben incluir : (a) Una lista completa de todas las actividades laborales cubiertas; (b) Todas las políticas y procedimientos necesarios para cumplir con la norma; y (c) Un plan de respuesta a emergencias y enfermedades causadas por el calor.

Sin embargo, este nuevo conjunto de reglas, a pesar de su evidente y evidente necesidad ante la creciente crisis ecológica, probablemente encontrará oposición en la Corte Suprema. En un fallo judicial reciente, los estados liderados por los republicanos y los intereses anti-regulatorios han sostenido que el Congreso delegó inconstitucionalmente sus poderes al poder ejecutivo al otorgar "una autoridad tan amplia a la agencia [OSHA]", la agencia responsable de establecer y hacer cumplir todas las leyes. estándares laborales. En otras palabras, si bien el tribunal desestimó este cargo, dos jueces disidentes, Clarence Thomas y Neil Gorsuch, están cuestionando el derecho de OSHA a existir, y mucho menos a ampliar controles ya insuficientes.

A largo plazo, no es exagerado decir que el derecho más básico y esencial de los trabajadores -el derecho a la vida y a la seguridad- está en peligro. No sólo es una cuestión si estas regulaciones vitales se implementarán en el futuro cercano, sino que la capacidad de OSHA para funcionar en cualquier capacidad puede verse socavada, si los dos jueces disidentes - y los intereses comerciales rapaces que representan - se salen con la suya en el futuro. fallo de la Corte. Como siempre, es la lucha de clases, la voluntad de los trabajadores de todas partes para organizarse, luchar y tomar el mando, lo que decidirá estas cuestiones vitales. El reloj está corriendo.


Beau Zinman is a Pitzer Graduate of Philosophy and a Volunteer at Pomona Economic Opportunity Center.

Behind the 6 P’s

Behind the Six P’s–The reputation of Holt avenue in Pomona goes beyond the Indian Hill Mall. Everyone in the surrounding cities knows about it.

The street is known for unhoused people, sex workers and street vendors.

Its reputation is a shadow looming over the officials running the city and now the city council and the mayor want to turn Holt into a Business Improvement District to improve its conditions.

According to the US Department of Transportation, Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) are privately-directed and publicly-sanctioned organizations that supplement public services within geographically defined boundaries by generating multi-year revenue through a compulsory assessment on local property owners and/or businesses - which basically means - BIDs are privatized public places that use funds to: BIDs are privatized public places that use funds to:

  • Promote business and events within the boundaries 

  • Patrols it with private security 

  • Keep the area clean.

The function of a BID is to monetize gentrification and criminalize loitering, by keeping unwanted individuals from the area. Under a BID, the funds, generated from increased taxation on property located in the district, are set aside for promotion, security and clean-up, and are managed by a selected board of directors.

Lisa Marie Alatorre from the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness described the work of BIDS as “Jim Crow laws” and described them as a way to promote “discriminatory policing practices to simply remove people deemed unwanted from certain parts of town.”

Downtown Pomona is currently operating under a BID until 2028 under the management of the Downtown Pomona Owners Association (DPOA). From 2021 through 2022, DPOA spent $306,373 on private security, even though the area remains covered by a police force that operates with 49.8% of the city’s budget. Private security cannot arrest an individual, but they can call the police on any 'suspicious' activities, according to American Global Security.

From 2021 through 2022, DPOA spent $306,373 on private security. The area is still covered by a police force that will be given 49.8% of the city’s budget for the new fiscal year. Private security cannot arrest an individual but they can call the cops on any “suspicious activities,” according to American Global Security.

In regards to dealing with the problems of Holt, the city of Pomona wants to adopt a BID in order to hire a professional ‘rat’ to call the cops on any activity that a business owner deems 'suspicious.' Creating a BID on Holt will give property owners major influential power. Typically, a BID board of directors includes the district’s property owners. 

Creating a BID will also give major influential power to property owners. The board of directors for BIDs typically includes property owners of the area. The tax forms from 2022 indicate that the DPOA board of directors includes two members of the Tessier family. 

The tax forms from 2022 indicate that the DPOA board of directors for downtown Pomona includes two members of the Tessier family who run Arteco Partners, the current owner of the Progress Building and its basement art gallery; the Founder's Building; the Union Block; the Fox Theater; the Glass House; Acerogami; the Oxarart Block; the Wright Brothers Building; the Wurl Building; the Armory Lofts; the Tate Building; the Opera Garage; the Civic Center; and the School of Arts and Enterprise. Arteco Partners have a negotiating deal with the city of Pomona to buy more land in the downtown area and build more apartments that would only serve to increase their monopoly of downtown Pomona.

The Arteco Partners have a negotiating deal with the city of Pomona to buy more land in the downtown area and build apartments to complete their monopoly of the heart of Pomona. 

Not only will a BID on Holt Avenue pass the problem to someone else, it will give property owners the power to increase rent on the local businesses and drive them away.

To quote “Mad Max: Fury Road,” "Where must we go, we who wander this wasteland, in search of our better selves?"

The city of Pomona claims that its mission is to improve the quality of life for its diverse community, yet the changes its officials want to make will only drive the diverse community into the Wasteland known as Victorville and sell their soul to vegan milkshakes and spa water. 


The Pomonan is the cultural structure, empowering visionaries to propel the global society to the future.

Life in Pomona 20 Something Years ago: In Pictures

Published 2/21/2024 | 9:04am PST

Twenty-something years ago, Pomonans embraced the underground and packed art exhibitions. Families and artists found affordable rent, sort of. Families and artists were able to pay affordable rent, kind of. Of course, those were different times, but not in a way that made them unrecognizable.

Rockers hanging out at Thomas Square
Julian Lucas ©2000

Published 02/20/204 12:00 am | PST

Did you know that the attack on the Twin Towers occurred 23 years ago, in 2001? That same year introduced us to some of our favorite independent films, such as Amélie, Requiem for a Dream, and Y Tu Mamá También.

Y Tu Mamá También taught us that both self-pleasure and sex with others are acceptable, while also exploring themes of self-discovery and loss. Requiem for a Dream taught us about mental illness wasn’t talked about, including drug addiction as a disease. It also taught us about belonging, wealth, family and the past. And we learned to enjoy life’s simple pleasures in Amelie.

LIFE IN POMONA
Pomona has never fully transformed from its gritty, 1980s South Central ambience into the haven many hoped it would become—and still hope it will one day. Although if we go back to the earlier years it was once a booming city. The city of 155k people even received some publicity being named in multiple films, including films such as the 1967 “Look Whose Coming to Dinner, staring Sidney Portier.

However, the early 2000s were also a boom period—not so much in films, but in hip hop songs that glamorized pimping, "the hoe stroll," and the selling of sex, as popularized by artists like Sugafree.

New York-style lofts in downtown Pomona served as backdrops for porn movies, while strip clubs and “massage parlors”—which were really fronts for rub-and-tug services—occupied storefronts along the corridors.

Although police brutality existed, there weren’t any activists staging rallies or protests on city council nights. The only activism was activism through art. 

Pomona PD frisking an unhoused individual at Veterans Park.
©2001 Julian Lucas

Pomona PD Patrols Second Street on Bike
Julian Lucas ©2001

Backpack Hip Hop heads hit Pomona like a domino affect in the early 2000s, but people still wanted to dance, although there weren’t any dance clubs in Pomona, you could still crash someones quinceañera or wedding reception. 

Urban Ecclectic
Julian Lucas ©2002

Globe Clothing Store (in store)
Julian Lucas ©2001

Globe Clothing Store (in store)
Julian Lucas ©2001

Globe Clothing Store (in store)
Julian Lucas ©2001

People Dancing at a Quinceañera
Julian Lucas ©2001

People Dancing at Quinceañera
Julian Lucas ©2001

Quinceañera
Julian Lucas ©2001

Young lady at her quinceañera
Julian Lucas ©2001

Accompanying underground Hip Hop was Rock en Espanol. Tower Records was a haven for CDs and magazines from all over the world and unfortunately closed in 2006. But we could also purchase our music and our studded belts, buttons of our favorite punk band, and band shirts from the Rio Rancho swap meet attached to Cardenas. Tijuana No! and Mana were of my favorites.

Raquel (Rachel) Rio Rancho Mall
Julian Lucas ©2002

El Taco Nazo, El Merendero, and Juan Pollo were the only restaurants in the downtown area. Taco Nazo was special. It was the hangout during the day and at night the restaurant featured poetry night on Thursdays, called A Mic and Dim Lights, hosted by educator Cory ‘Besskep’ Coffer, who is the original poet who brought poetry to Pomona.

Reyna in the kitchen of Taco Nazo 2001

Kayla Owner of Funky Thangz sitting at Taco Nazo 2002

Mike and girlfriend owner of Futures Collide 2001

Rockers hanging out at Thomas Square during Glass House Concert
Julan Lucas ©2001

Rockers hanging out at Thomas Square during a Glass House Concert
Julan Lucas ©2001

Rockers hanging out at Thomas Square during a Glass House Concert
Julan Lucas ©2001

Rockers hanging out at the Glass House
Julan Lucas ©2001

OG Homies
Julian Lucas ©2001

Homies in front of the Armory Building
Julian Lucas ©2001

Today there are rules and rules for artists, there is privatization of public streets and sidewalks, there is conformity, and there is censorship, Pomona’s politicians use art walk nights as their platform, and thats unfortunate. 


Julian Lucas, is a photographer, a purveyor of books, and writer, but mostly a photographer. Don’t ever ask him to take photos of events. Julian is also the owner and founder of Mirrored Society Book Shop, publisher of The Pomonan, founder of Book-Store, and founder of PPABF.

Government Funds Mismanagement

Photo Courtesy of Veronica Cabrera

Published February 6, 2024 | 11:48am PST

No money will ever be enough when there is mismanagement of city funds. It’s not that different from one’s personal finances.

Governments often outsource public services. Sometimes they privatize public property with the fallacy that it will save costs, but the reality is that with these economic practices, the private sector is the sector that benefits the most. Privatization opens doors to potential corruption, monopolies, loss of citizens' autonomy, and citizens' financial distress.

Cambridge Dictionary defines outsourcing as paying privately-owned companies to get some work or services done for the public. Privatization is selling a service provided by the government to the private sector for their control and management.

Here in Pomona, we can talk about one recent example, the privatization of the city-owned trash company to Athens Co.

Pomona has had its own city trash company since the city was founded, but In 2022, the current Mayor and five city council members decided to transfer the trash service to Athens, a privately-owned trash company. By speaking with hundreds of small business owners, commercial property owners, and residents, I learned that their trash company bills went up from 200% to 400%. In this instance, evidently, Athens Co. charged the citizens more than enough to provide service, they charged them to make a profit, and, in this case, also cover the city’s franchise fees. Athens received an exclusive contract with the City of Pomona. The citizens of Pomona are stuck. Nobody can  hire any other trash company apart from Athens, and since the company is not accountable to the citizens, the risk of corruption runs high. 

The City of Pomona has not provided a decent explanation to the citizens about how they have created a monopoly, an aberrant practice that violates the antitrust laws. To learn about antitrust laws, click here. The citizens, businesses, and property owners in this transaction have lost the right to have direct contract with those who are providing their service.


The Pomonan sent an open invitation to all candidates to submit substantive op-eds stating their position on an issue (or issues) that they consider critical to our community.

Veronica Cabrera is a resident of Pomona. She is also running for the mayoral seat for the city of Pomona.

Virulent Racism and the Valley's First Settlers

Sadly, when reviewing the white history of the Pomona Valley, it pretty much always arcs back to a virulent racism.

By Pamela Casey Nagler

Agricultural laborers
Eagle Rock, California 1901-1910

Los Angeles Public Library Legacy Photo Collection

Published 10/30/2023 | 1:14pm PST

William T. "Tooch" Martin has generally been touted as the first Anglo settler of Claremont. On June 5, 2023, local historian John Neiuber wrote in the local Claremont Courier:

"Which brings me to William “Tooch” Martin, known as the first Anglo settler in Claremont . . . William T. “Tooch” Martin was a justice of the peace, civic leader, and Los Angeles County Supervisor. Tooch purchased 160 acres in Claremont that he farmed and where he built a house for his wife and seven children near Indian Hill and 11th Street. He was first a teacher, then justice of the peace, founded the Masonic Lodge in Pomona, was a civic leader, and was elected to the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors.”

Unfortunately, as it turns out, Tooch Martin, led a vicious anti-Chinese campaign in Pomona.

The Progress, the local newspaper of the Pomona Valley of Feb. 25, 1886, urged everyone to join in supporting “the policy of boycotting Chinese manufacturers, labor and industry of all kinds.” The newspaper claimed that by neither buying from nor hiring Chinese, residents would find “an effective cure of the Asiatic curse.”

A couple of days later, The Progress reported that on Feb. 27, most of the leaders of the then-unincorporated community convened on a Saturday night to form the Pomona Branch of the Anti-Chinese Association.

Led by the future Los Angeles County Supervisor William T. “Tooch” Martin as chairman, the organization authored a pledge urging every resident to sign and affirm that “I am in favor of all lawful means for the expulsion of the Chinese from the Pacific Coast, and I hereby pledge myself that I will not employ Chinamen directly or indirectly nor purchase the produce of Chinese labor.”

According to an April 7, 2014 article written by Joe Blackstone and printed in the Daily Bulletin, titled, Anti-Chinese hysteria enveloped Pomona in mid-1880s, one action taken in 1886 encouraged employers of Chinese laborers to find ‘competent white labor’ by turning to a group called the White Labor Bureau.

Photo attributed to William T. “Tooch” Martin, though some people have questioned this attribution. The photo appears to be a picture of a mountain man in his hunting lodge at Mt. Baldy, whereas Los Angeles County Supervisor Martin was generally viewed as more urbane than that.

On April 8, the Progress reported that the Anti-Chinese Association’s steam laundry committee had met and determined $5,000 would be required to open such a plant in Pomona. Steps were to be taken to sell 500 shares of the future business at $10 each.

Martin and businessman W.R. Carter joined W.F. Reynolds in a project to cultivate an extensive garden to raise vegetables to sell to the community. Reynolds would provide the land, allowing residents to avoid buying vegetables grown by the ‘Mongolians,’ as the Progress called them.

Ultimately, for obvious reasons, Pomona’s Chinese population soon went elsewhere, its abandoned shacks between First and Second streets later removed.”


The Progress
reported that on April 15, 1886,one of our leading Chinese, ”Ah Wong, pointed out what he saw as the real cause for the conflict - US citizens wanted the Chinese to cross the Pacific Ocean to labor for them, but the US citizens did not want the Chinese to live among them. Wong said,

“It is not the fault of the Chinaman. It is American man’s fault. American man sell steamboat ticket (to Chinese). It makes him dollars. American man likes those dollars. Chinaman likes to work. American man likes cheap-working man, It is not the fault of the Chinaman; it is the big fault of American man. American man likes dollars, also does Chinaman. You understand?”


LINKS
Anti Chinese Hysteria Enveloped Pomona in Mid 1880s
Village parking, ‘Tooch’ Martin, and the end of Claremont

Pamela Casey Nagler is currently finishing her book, A Century of Disgrace: The Removal, Enslavement, and Massacre of California’s Indigenous People 1769 - 1869.

Zionist Logic by Malcolm X

By Malcom X
Published October 23, 2023 | 7:09 Am PST
This article was originally produced by Egyptian Gazette, September, 1964.

After visiting Jerusalem in 1959, Malcolm X visited Gaza, Palestine, in September 1964. While there, he met with government representatives, went to Palestinian refugee camps, prayed at a masjid, and addressed a press conference in the Parliament Building. His visit there and the people he met served as the basis for an article he wrote for the Egyptian Gazette the same month.

The Zionist armies that now occupy Palestine claim their ancient Jewish prophets predicted that in the "last days of this world" their own God would raise them up a "messiah" who would lead them to their promised land, and they would set up their own "divine" government in this newly-gained land, this "divine" government would enable them to "rule all other nations with a rod of iron."

If the Israeli Zionists believe their present occupation of Arab Palestine is the fulfillment of predictions made by their Jewish prophets, then they also religiously believe that Israel must fulfill its "divine" mission to rule all other nations with a rod of irons, which only means a different form of iron-like rule, more firmly entrenched even, than that of the former European Colonial Powers.

These Israeli Zionists religiously believe their Jewish God has chosen them to replace the outdated European colonialism with a new form of colonialism, so well disguised that it will enable them to deceive the African masses into submitting willingly to their "divine" authority and guidance, without the African masses being aware that they are still colonized.

Camouflage

The Israeli Zionists are convinced they have successfully camouflaged their new kind of colonialism. Their colonialism appears to be more "benevolent," more "philanthropic," a system with which they rule simply by getting their potential victims to accept their friendly offers of economic "aid," and other tempting gifts, that they dangle in front of the newly-independent African nations, whose economies are experiencing great difficulties. During the 19th century, when the masses here in Africa were largely illiterate it was easy for European imperialists to rule them with "force and fear," but in this present era of enlightenment the African masses are awakening, and it is impossible to hold them in check now with the antiquated methods of the 19th century.

The imperialists, therefore, have been compelled to devise new methods. Since they can no longer force or frighten the masses into submission, they must devise modern methods that will enable them to maneuver the African masses into willing submission.

The modern 20th century weapon of neo-imperialism is "dollarism." The Zionists have mastered the science of dollarism: the ability to come posing as a friend and benefactor, bearing gifts and all other forms of economic aid and offers of technical assistance. Thus, the power and influence of Zionist Israel in many of the newly "independent" African nations has fast-become even more unshakeable than that of the 18th century European colonialists...and this new kind of Zionist colonialism differs only in form and method, but never in motive or objective.

At the close of the 19th century when European imperialists wisely foresaw that the awakening masses of Africa would not submit to their old method of ruling through force and fears, these ever-scheming imperialists had to create a "new weapon," and to find a "new base" for that weapon.

Dollarism

The number one weapon of 20th century imperialism is Zionist dollarism, and one of the main bases for this weapon is Zionist Israel. The ever-scheming European imperialists wisely placed Israel where she could geographically divide the Arab world, infiltrate and sow the seed of dissension among African leaders and also divide the Africans against the Asians.

Zionist Israel's occupation of Arab Palestine has forced the Arab world to waste billions of precious dollars on armaments, making it impossible for these newly independent Arab nations to concentrate on strengthening the economies of their countries and elevate the living standard of their people.

And the continued low standard of living in the Arab world has been skillfully used by the Zionist propagandists to make it appear to the Africans that the Arab leaders are not intellectually or technically qualified to lift the living standard of their people...thus, indirectly inducing Africans to turn away from the Arabs and towards the Israelis for teachers and technical assistance.

"They cripple the bird's wing, and then condemn it for not flying as fast as they."

The imperialists always make themselves look good, but it is only because they are competing against economically crippled newly independent countries whose economies are actually crippled by the Zionist-capitalist conspiracy. They can't stand against fair competition, thus they dread Gamal Abdul Nasser's call for African-Arab Unity under Socialism.

Messiah?

If the "religious" claim of the Zionists is true that they were to be led to the promised land by their messiah, and Israel's present occupation of Arab Palestine is the fulfillment of that prophesy: where is their messiah whom their prophets said would get the credit for leading them there? It was [United Nations mediator] Ralph Bunche who "negotiated" the Zionists into possession of Occupied Palestine! Is Ralph Bunche the messiah of Zionism? If Ralph Bunche is not their messiah, and their messiah has not yet come, then what are they doing in Palestine ahead of their messiah?

Did the Zionists have the legal or moral right to invade Arab Palestine, uproot its Arab citizens from their homes and seize all Arab property for themselves just based on the "religious" claim that their forefathers lived there thousands of years ago? Only a thousand years ago the Moors lived in Spain. Would this give the Moors of today the legal and moral right to invade the Iberian Peninsula, drive out its Spanish citizens, and then set up a new Moroccan nation...where Spain used to be, as the European Zionists have done to our Arab brothers and sisters in Palestine?

In short the Zionist argument to justify Israel's present occupation of Arab Palestine has no intelligent or legal basis in history...not even in their own religion.

Where is their Messiah?


Civil rights activist Malcolm X was a prominent leader in the Nation of Islam. Until his 1965 assassination, he vigorously supported Black nationalism.

Genocide Explained: A History of the Term

Illustration by Julian Lucas

By Pamela Casey Nagler
Published 10/21/2023 | 10:37am PST

“a coordinated plan of different actions aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national groups” - Rafael Lemkin, a Polish lawyer of Jewish descent who coined the term, genocide, and lobbied tirelessly for international law to cover the destruction of groups.


The word, genocide repeated often, in various contexts, has a distinct meaning and a distinct history. 

Raphael Lemkin, a Polish lawyer of Jewish descent, coined the term in 1943 from genos (Greek for family, tribe or race) and cide (Latin for killing), as a reaction to the Armenian Genocide in WWI and the Holocaust or atrocities in Axis-occupied Europe during WWII - the Nazi regime’s treatment of Poles and Jews - but it was intended to be extrapolated to cover many other situations including the European conquests in the Americas that began in the 1490s. 


Lemkin defined genocide as the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole, or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious or national group:

"Generally speaking, genocide does not necessarily mean the immediate destruction of a nation, except when accomplished by mass killings of all members of a nation.

It is intended rather to signify a coordinated plan of different actions aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups themselves. The objectives of such a plan would be disintegration of the political and social institutions, of culture, language, national feelings, religion, and the economic existence of national groups, and the destruction of the personal security, liberty, health, dignity, and even the lives of the individuals belonging to such groups. Genocide is directed against the national group as an entity, and the actions involved are directed against individuals, not in their individual capacity, but as members of the national group.Genocide has two phases: one, destruction of the national pattern of the oppressed group; the other, the imposition of the national pattern of the oppressor. This imposition, in turn, may be made upon the oppressed population which is allowed to remain or upon the territory alone, after removal of the population and the colonization by the oppressor's own nationals.”


According to Lemkin, genocide can refer to mass killing, but it also refers to such coordinated actions as removal and assimilation, the threat to the security of a people and their exposure to substandard living conditions. Genocide refers to government-sanctioned activity, rather than the act of independent individuals against other individuals.

In 1947, the Secretary General of the newly formed United Nations, pursuant to its Economic and Security Council Resolutions, assigned Lemkin to head a committee charged with drafting a law to define, prevent and punish the crime of genocide. As the head of the Committee, Lemkin clarified, and expanded, who was protected under his definition of genocide. Formerly, he had referred to “national” or “oppressed” groups, but he updated his list to include “racial, national, linguistic, religious, politicalgroups - with economic groups implied.  


Lemkin defined policies as genocidal if they worked for the destruction of a group and/or prevented the preservation and development of the group. He characterized genocidal policy in three interrelated ways: physical, biological and cultural - not arranged in any particular hierarchical order.


According to Lemkin’s definition, physical genocide included more than outright and direct extermination, but also including “slow-death measures” such as, subjection to conditions like improper housing, clothing, food, hygiene and medical care; excessive work likely to result in debilitation or death; mutilations and biological experiments for other than curative purposes; deprivation of the means of livelihood by confiscation and looting, curtailment of work; denial of housing and supplies otherwise attainable to other inhabitants of the territory.


He defined biological genocide as including involuntary sterilization, compulsory abortion, segregation of the sexes or other obstacles to marriage as well as other policies that were intended to prevent births within a target group.

He defined cultural genocide as the imposition of an alien national pattern on a target group, and he included all policies aimed at destroying how a group defines themselves, forcing them to become something else. Among these destructive acts, he included the forced transfer of children; the forced and systematic exile of individuals who represented the group; the prohibition of the use of a language; the systematic destruction of books printed in the national language; the disruption of religious works; the prohibition of new publications; the systematic destruction of national or religious monuments (or their diversion to alien uses); and the destruction or dispersion of objects of historical, artistic, or religious value including objects used in religious worship.


Lemkin’s draft, submitted initially to the UN’s Economic and Social Council,  was eventually reviewed by a seven-member committee. The delegate from the Soviet Union managed to have political groups removed from the list, while the delegate from the United States managed to eliminate or ‘gut’ the cultural genocide category for obvious reasons - it stood as an indictment of the way the US Government had treated, and continued to treat Indigenous People. In spite of these revisions, the final draft, though diluted, still retained many of Lemkin’s original ideas.  


The 1948 United Nations’ Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide states that instances of genocide have taken place throughout history, but now places the crime of genocide under the jurisdiction of international law. Its Second Article defines the crime of genocide as occurring if any of the “following acts were committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.” It included killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group and forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.


According to the UN, persons - rulers, public officials or private individuals - committing these crimes could be punished. 

Since the 1940s, others have suggested other kinds of genocide - mathematical or bureaucratic genocide and environmental genocide. Mathematical or bureaucratic genocide refers to the deliberate miscounting of numbers of people affected and environmental genocide as a result of local, unwanted land use (LULU). 


Pamela Casey Nagler is currently finishing her book, A Century of Disgrace: The Removal, Enslavement, and Massacre of California’s Indigenous People 1769 - 1869.

Is Anti-Zionism, Anti Semitism?

Photography Courtesy Ahmed Abu Hameeda

By Gilbert Aguirre
Published 10/19/2023 | 7:22am PST
Photography Ahmed Abu Hameeda

NOTE to readers: This is a reprint of an article that The Pomonan printed a year and a half ago about what was happening not only on the University of California at Riverside campus, but on college campuses across the country. Now, here we are some twenty months later, and the question Is Anti-Zionism, Antisemitism? is just as pertinent - perhaps more so -  than it was back then. With the Israel-Hamas War raging in the Middle East, universities including Harvard, Stanford, Arizona State, Tufts, to name a few, are erupting over this issue. The Pomonan asks its readers to reconsider this issue in light of recent events. This opinion piece was written by former UCR student Gilbert Aguirre.


An email sent to UCR students from the UCR Life email list on May 27, 2021, caught this recipient’s attention with the subject heading: Anti Semitism: then and now. Instead of providing information on antisemitism, an abhorrent form of discrimination which has no place in civil society, the piece intended to conflate anti-Zionism with antisemitism and erase the existence and justified resistance of Palestinian people. 

This is my critique of the interview of UCR Jewish Studies professor Michael Alexander, and his interviewer Omar Shamout, for the disingenuous framing of critiques of the apartheid, settler-colonial state of Israel as antisemitic. Their discussion can be read here (1).

In the article’s opening lines, anti-Zionists, educated on what anti-Zionism and antisemitism is, are made aware that the framing of this article is entirely disingenuous— the working definition of antisemitism in the article comes from the Anti-Defamation League, which classifies antisemitism as being “based on age-old stereotypes and myths that target Jews as a people, their religious practices and beliefs, or the Jewish State of Israel” (2)

I will repeat that antisemitism, like all forms of prejudice, is absolutely abhorrent and must be destroyed by any means necessary. However, in framing critiques of Israel as antisemitic, activists fighting for justice in Palestine are silenced, as the Anti-Defamation League’s definition of antisemitism functions to quell dissent of Israel. 

Shamout frames his interview of Alexander as a response to “data compiled by the Anti-Defamation League [which] shows an increase in violent attacks, vandalism and harassment of Jews in the U.S., around the world, and online, since fighting broke out between Israel and Gaza’s militant rulers Hamas earlier this month.” Shamout, in analyzing this framing, identifies that actual antisemitic attacks are being lumped in with “vandalism and harassment” - meaning that vandalizing the phrase “Free Palestine'' on a wall or critiquing Israel on twitter would  qualify as antisemitic under this definition. 

Again, critiquing Israel is not antisemitic, and this framing portrays a fictitious world in which critiques of Israel have the same material impacts on Jewish people as violent hate crimes committed by white supremacists.

Additionally, others have contested the data compiled by the Anti-Defamation League. In an analytical article published by Jewish Currents, a magazine committed to leftist Jewish discourse, Mari Cohen questions and analyzes the data and methods that contribute to the ADL’s report. Cohen is concerned by the weaponizing of anti-Zionism as antisemitism, and her analysis is critical to the conflation of anti-Zionism with antisemitism contributes to misinformation and skewed data— which she states that the ADL’s report exemplifies (3).

My critique also includes the constant erasure of Palestinian people and Palestine as a sovereign state. In the quotation provided above, Shamout makes his first attempt, through the phrase “fighting broke out between Israel and Gaza’s militant rulers Hamas—“ not Israel and Palestine, not the Israeli Defense Force and Palestinian’s resistance movement, not Israel’s occupying force and the Palestinian resistance; Shamout erases Palestine entirely, as if it were a dirty word.

Shamout proceeds in the next paragraph to use the problematic framing that critique of Israel equates to antisemitism when he asserts, “while hatred toward Jews is sadly nothing new, these incidents are framed against the backdrop of recent Middle East violence, a surge in pro-Palestinian sentiment,” which implies that Palestinian existence is itself a problem.

So I ask, what exactly does the term “pro-Palestinian sentiment” imply? What makes “pro-Palestinian sentiment,” in other words defense of Palestinian’s right to exist and resist violence from the state of Israel, support hatred towards Jewish people? Would the international movements and demonstrations against police violence after the murder of George Floyd be considered “pro-Black sentiment”? Why is Palestinian existence framed as a problem?

Shamout seems to suggest that anti-Zionism is separate from antisemitism when he asks Alexander, “Many of the recent antisemitic incidents have used the term ‘Zionism.’ Can you explain what Zionism meant historically, what it means today, and how the term has been used by racists to target Jews?” To which Alexander gives a bloated, incoherent response that doesn’t state the clear intentions of Zionism, which is a colonial project whose modern conception was proposed and propagated by Theodor Herzl (4).

Zionism, a political position, is framed by Alexander as, “simply Jewish nationalism: the desire for the Jewish people to have and hold their own state,” ignoring that this political position hinges upon the colonization of Palestine, and the genocide of its native occupants. Alexander seems to support the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians when he states, “Let’s not forget, the logic of self-determination implies the cleansing of everybody else in order to achieve a majority. Cleanse or be cleansed. The logic is stark, but to date it remains the main means by which nation states are formed.”

So I ask, how is it that  UCR News published this violent, genocidal speech that it circulated to its student body? How can a professor be unashamed of giving a defense of what he himself refers to as “the cleansing of everybody else in order to achieve a majority”?

Shamout, expecting an answer to the question, “So it’s fair to say that not all critics of Zionism should be cast as antisemitic?” instead receives another bloated, asinine response where Alexander further defends genocide. Alexander proposes a both-sides defense of genocide in his next monologue, by skirting the question, as he states, “Zionism is as legitimate and as problematic as any other nationalism.”(5)

To this, I argue that nationalism against an oppressive force is legitimate. Nationalism against colonizing forces is what has historically motivated the Cuban Revolution, the Irish Republican Army’s resistance against British colonial rule, and Palestinians’ fight against the Israeli government - to name a few. In the case of Palestine, Israel has  actively pushed Palestinians out of their homes, murdered Palestinian children, and bombed its densely populated territories (6). This kind of nationalism is quite different from the kind of nationalism that seeks to oppress another group while expanding the nation’s borders in disregard to human rights and international law.

Alexander continues, “it is problematic in the sense that having formed an ethnic majority, Israel turns around and polices its remaining minorities.” As a reminder, the minorities Alexander refuses to name are Palestinians. Additionally, the Palestinians Alexander refuses to name have only become minorities as a result of Israeli occupation, a modern project that ironically results in some Palestinians being older than the illegitimate state of Israel.

Further Alexander states, “Nearly all majorities do this. This past year, we all saw once again how the American policing of minorities is no exception. The problem of minorities is systemic and is not particular to Israel or to the U.S. Yet that does not excuse Israel from the need to acknowledge and cease the violence of its nation building.”

Implicitly, excusing is exactly what Alexander is doing. To both-sides and what-about state violence via settler-colonialism and white supremacist policing in both Israel and the United States is a disingenuous deflection that attempts to justify the violence of Israel. Alexander is saying— Yeah, it sucks, but that’s just how it goes. By putting on an apolitical mask, in this case and in any other case, it is very clear that the person engaging in the both-sides / what-about argument is on the side of the oppressor.

In the last two sentences of his pro-genocide diatribe, Alexander attempts  to answer Shamout's question on whether or not all critiques of Zionism equate to antisemitism even though, thus far, he has shown a clear aversion to answering any question directly. He states, “I would say this is the great moral imperative and conundrum of the Jewish people in our time. Still, it is a conundrum that rightly should be admitted and shared by hundreds of nations and national movements.” Again, Alexander’s answer is an asinine non-answer that serves to conflate all Jewish people with the ideology of Zionism. It is all in service of Alexander’s personal political agenda.

At the interview’s conclusion, Shamout asks Alexander, “what do you think are the best ways to combat antisemitism in our communities, both physical and online?” to which Alexander does not speak to antisemitism, but once again to the prospects and effects of propagating Zionism without consequence. His opening statement to this sentence is, again, incoherent, so I’ve done the work of decoding it. He states, “I would need to expand the purview of the mandate to include the elimination of Islamophobia and the denial of Palestinian rights to a free and self-determined state.” This thirty-one word sentence means almost nothing, but serves to frame the Israeli occupation of Palestine as a religious issue.

Contrary to what Alexander is propagating, there are Palestinians of Muslim faith, Christian faith, Jewish faith, and atheists (7)— keep in mind the question Shamout asked concerned how to combat antisemitism, but Alexander’s monologue concerns Zionism.

In the following sentence, Alexander reveals his true intentions as he states, “it would also have to include complete civil rights for Palestinians and other minorities who are Israeli citizens.” By granting Palestinians citizenship status, he is finally revealing his agenda as a one state solution Zionist. Under the proposed civil rights, Palestinians won’t have their land, and they would be citizens of the illegitimate state of Israel that imposed itself onto the Palestinian people.

Ultimately, this interview published by UCR News is unacceptable in its disingenuous framing of a human rights issue that affects the lives of real people, and has affected the lives of Palestinian students at UCR. In framing critiques of Zionism as antisemitic, and speaking almost exclusively to Zionism in an interview which is supposedly about antisemitism, Alexander constructs an argument that, within the argument’s fabrication, cannot be critiqued without being antisemitic.

Furthermore, the answers Alexander gives are so bloated and incoherent, I don’t understand how he is a professor at UCR, as I’ve had more coherent and substantive conversations with my five-year-old brother, who would stand firmly against genocide if knowledgable enough to understand it— rather than providing  a both-sides / what-about defense so that his in-group can commit atrocities without critique.

To be explicit, my use of “in-group” is not an allusion to an antisemitic conspiracy, but a direct contention of the conflation of critiques of Zionism as antisemitic— a clear and obvious disingenuous framing that uses identity as a shield and weaponizes actual hate towards Jewish people, which has material consequences and thus should not be minimized to serve a political agenda.


“Always Keep Your Back to the Wall” Part Two

Part II

Nell Soto Part II  The 1960s: Politics, the Fair Housing Act & Other Progressive Legislation - the Real Estate Industry, ‘Hit’ Pieces, ‘Limousine Liberals,’ Headstart and Parks.

By Julian Lucas
Edited by Pamela Casey Nagler

Denver Post / Getty Images

Published August 15, 2023 9:41 Am PST


Excerpts from Nell Soto’s 1988 interview conducted by Carlos Vasquez with the UCLA Oral History Program, California State Archives, State Government Oral History Program.


Nell Soto on Fair Housing

The Rumford Fair Housing Act (AB 1240) passed in California on September 20, 1963. Its goal was to end unfair discrimination against people of color who were seeking housing, a common occurrence at the time. All too often, white landlords and property owners would not rent apartments or sell houses to ”colored people'' or “brown people.” 

The Rumford Act stated that ”the practice of discrimination because of race, color, religion, national origin, or ancestry in housing accommodations is declared to be against public policy.

Nell Soto reveals in her interview that it was the Real Estate lobby that provided powerful opposition to the Fair Housing Act. They circulated racist flyers to spread fear among voters.


NELL SOTO: [My husband, Phil Soto] got elected [to the assembly] in 1962. He was a party man. In 1964, he almost lost because of the famous Rumford [Fair Housing] Act.  (33)

CARLOS VASQUEZ:  Did the Rumford Act [or Fair Housing Act of 1963] hurt Democrats that badly?

NELL SOTO: Oh, yeah. Yeah. There was a big campaign in the San Gabriel Valley against it, against him because of that.

Carlos Vasquez:  Who headed that campaign?

Nell Soto:  Campbell’s people [her husband’s opponents’ people].

Carlos Vasquez:  Was he tied into real estate?

Nell Soto:  Sure. Herbert Hawkins [Realty]. A lot of the big realtors were against it and debated him on the logic of why he was supporting it. San Gabriel Valley is very conservative. Even though they vote for Hispanics, they expect you to be as conservative as they are.  (37-8)

Carlos Vasquez: What kind of campaign was it at the local level that William Campbell was able to mount? What kind of issues did he raise?

Nell Soto: The issue was fair housing. That's what the issue was.

Restrictive Housing Covenant 1954
Pomona, CA (Ganesha Hills)

Page One

Restrictive Housing Covenant 1954
Pomona, CA (Ganesha Hills)

Page Two

Carlos Vasquez:  In 1968, four years later?

Nell Soto:  Yes. He was still doing the same thing . . . (39-40)

Carlos Vasquez: How much did the reaction to the Rumford Fair Housing Act as expressed in the Proposition 14 campaign have to do with Mr. Soto's loss in 1968?

Nell Soto:  I think it had a lot to do with it. In 1964, he barely squeaked through. He only won by about 1,600 votes . . . Again, that area, the West Covina area. . . . There was a very strong campaign waged against him in 1964.

Carlos Vasquez:  By?

Nell Soto:  By the same guy who beat him. Bill Campbell.

Carlos Vasquez:  Did the real estate lobby play much of a role?

Nell Soto: Absolutely . . .

Carlos Vasquez: Doing what?

Nell Soto: Well, editorials, ads. I don't know who paid for the "hit piece" that went out. There was one very bad one. At that time, they weren't known as hit pieces . . . I just picked up that term from other politicians. A hit piece is something put in the mail that says something bad about the office holder or candidate . . . It was in reference to the Rumford Act. [It said] “If you don't sell to a black, you're going to wind up behind bars."

It had a picture of a white couple behind bars with a black couple outside of the jail laughing at them. That was circulated in the district.

All of that had an Impact, like the editorials against the Fair Housing Act calling it the "Rumford-Soto Act." Although all the Democrats had co-authored it, they acted as if he was the only one . . . Incidentally, Rumford also lost, as did most of the people who signed that bill. 

Carlos Vasquez:  What do you think it was about the Rumford Act that made people react, or that others were able to exploit in order to make people react? What was the argument that made people go the direction that they did?

Nell Soto:  It was called the Fair Housing Act. It made it illegal to discriminate against anybody because of race, color, or creed, in selling or renting them a house. That's all it did. But it was distorted to the point where it caused a lot of paranoia with people who owned houses they wanted to sell. People would say, "I don't want to sell my house to a black, and nobody's going to make me do it." 

The average, redneck WASP who all these years had felt very, very secure and complacent in their own little bailiwick, their all-white neighborhoods, now, all of a sudden, here was a law that was going to require them to sell to or rent to people of color, be they brown, or black, or yellow, or whatever. That was not something they appreciated or were looking forward to. To this day, I think that there's more of those people than we like to think there are.

Carlos Vasquez:  People in the Brown administration that I and others have interviewed were profoundly surprised by the reaction to the Rumford Housing Act. Were you surprised?

Nell Soto:  No. What I'm telling you is that the limousine liberals who live in Beverly Hills and send their kids to parochial or private schools author or help to author liberal legislation, yet they wouldn't live next door to a black if they got paid to or under any circumstances. They espouse liberal legislation because they think that's the right thing to do, even though if push came to shove they wouldn't like it for their own neighborhood.

Carlos Vasquez:  Could you give me an example of such a “limousine liberal”?

Nell Soto:  No, I wouldn't care to do that.

Carlos Vasquez:  How about another issue where "limousine liberals" may have carried the day and yet not had to pay the piper?

Nell Soto:  Well, I think it's everywhere.

Carlos Vasquez:  Do you think affirmative action is an example?

Nell Soto: Affirmative action, absolutely. Just think of any type of legislation where they've had to literally legislate morality. They say, "Well, you can't legislate morality." I say, "The hell you can't." If it wasn't for legislation, we would not have civil rights, we would not have fair housing. There are so many things we would not have if it had not been for legislation . . .

On education . . . I don't think we've done enough, not even for the Anglo kids, let alone for minorities. In the Brown administration, you had a lot of people who were philosophically liberal but who had never been down to or lived in the ghetto, never been poor, never known what it was like to have to go to bed hungry. I appreciate the fact that they're at least attempting to provide through legislation the means to help the people who are in those circumstances . . . [but] there are very few people in government who have been through the agony of poverty. It's because people in poverty don't have the opportunity for an education, to go through the different steps to become a bureaucrat and be able to make some of these decisions.

So for the most part . . . I'm not saying 100 percent, but I would say 99 percent of the people who are making these decisions have never been poor. They've never known what it's like to go hungry. They've never lived in a ghetto or a barrio, even though they try to legislate to help these people. It's appreciated, and if it wasn't for them we probably wouldn't be this far in legislating, if you will, morality.

I really do wish that they would come out and live here. Try it. Then they could really write some good legislation, because then they would really know what it's all about. Maybe some of the legislators, themselves, know, because they come from a different point of reference than the people in government making decisions who are not legislators. I think the advisers that the elected people hire are the ones who should really know what it's like.

Especially in the old days, nobody came from a barrio. They mostly came from agricultural areas or were attorneys or businessmen who got elected. And while they might have been poor growing up or might have been poor farmers, it was a long time before anybody was elected with a really liberal philosophy to help generate some of the liberal legislation that we've had in the last twenty or thirty years . . . 

Structural Racism Redlining Map

Structural Racism and Land Use Redlining Map
Pomona, CA

[Just think], the Rumford Act was voted down. People voted against it! Fair housing! The state supreme court said it's unconstitutional to vote down a fair housing situation, so the fair housing law stood. 85-94

Nell Soto on Other Progressive Legislation - The Compensatory Education Bill (Headstart) of 1865 & the Quimby Act of 1965 (Requiring Developers to Set Aside Land for Park and Recreational Use)

CARLOS VASQUEZ:  During the time he [Nell Soto’s husband] was in the Assembly, what issues particularly got you involved in politics as a wife of an assemblyman, do you remember?

NELL SOTO: Oh, I was interested in everything he was doing. Some of the things I brought up to him, he would take them in. We drew up—he didn't get the credit for it--the 1965 Compensatory Education Bill of 1965, Headstart (AB. 1331). a lot of those things for disadvantaged children, Phil and I thought of. He would take them up with him, they would get put into the hopper, and it would come out as some kind of a bill sponsored by somebody else . . . 

Another thing that was my idea, that he [Phil] did and took back, came out as the Quimby Act of 1965 (AB 1150).  I think it's very important that every developer putting in a new subdivision now has to dedicate a little bit of land commensurate with the amount of children that are projected to be in the tract [for parks or other recreational purposes.] That idea was conceived in my home . . .

I said, "You know what you ought to do? You ought to make it a law that every developer that puts in houses should leave some land for kids to play in.”

And they did.” 42-5



Julian Lucas, is a photographer, a purveyor of books and writer in training, but mostly a photographer. Julian is the founder of Mirrored Society Books. Julian was once called a “bitter artist” on the Nextdoor app. Julian embraces name calling, because he believes when people express themselves uncensored, they are their most creative self. Unless of course it’s by someone who holds a leadership position.

Pamela Casey Nagler, Pomona-born, is an independent scholar, currently conducting research on California’s indigenous people, focusing on the Spanish, Russian, Mexican and US invasions between 1769 and the 1860s. The point of studying this history is to tell us how we got here from there. 

Always Keep Your Back to the Wall: A 1988 Interview Conducted in Two Parts with Former Pomona City Council Member, State Assembly Member and State Senator Nell Soto

Part I:

The Early Years: Growing Up With Segregation in Pomona in the 1920s, 30s & 40s - Neighborhoods, Swimming Pools, Movie Theaters, Public Schools & Jobs.

By Julian Lucas
Edited by Pamela Casey Nagler

Published 8:30 Am PST

Nell Soto

In this interview, conducted by Carlos Vasquez of the UCLA and State Government Oral History Program, Former Pomona City Council Member Nell Soto (1926-2009) talks about  her early days growing up as a Spanish/Mexican girl and young adult,  and, later, describes her days helping her politician husband, Assemblyman Phil Soto in the 1960s. 

Soto was proud that her husband broke race barriers in California politics:

“I think the most significant thing to me was that Phil [Soto’s husband] was one of the first Hispanic legislators. To me, that was very significant. Although he never ran on that banner, as the standard-bearer of anything, it was very coolly and calmly accepted. But we knew that we had broken a barrier— the two of us knew it— that had been there for years;- - I mean, in the whole century of this State, a state that had been founded by and been [part of] Mexico, they had never had a Mexican in the legislature. I think that is still significant, and I would hope that somebody would put that in the history. To me, it’s really very important that people know that.”  (pages 55-6)

She also acknowledged that she would have liked to have run for office herself in the 60s, 70s, 80s, but the time was not right for a woman: “My mother used to say, ‘Why don't you run? Why don't you? That poor guy [Soto’s husband]! You're just making him run! You're always campaigning. Why don't you run it? You're the one that should run.’ I'd say, ‘Ma, people are never going to elect me. This is not the time for women. Women are not going to be elected.’ I would have loved to have run then. I would still love it, to be an assemblyperson, but I'm too old now. That'll never happen.” (47)


However, history proved Soto wrong on this one. She served as an Assembly member between 1998 and 2000, and again in 2006 and 2008. In the interim, she served as a member of the California State Senate. In 2006, she authored legislation that included expansion of the Nell Soto Teacher Involvement program, improving foster care licensing, and improving welfare to work programs.


During Soto’s life, she attended many colleges and loved to study, but poverty, jobs, marriage, babies and politics interfered. She took many business courses because that was expected, but she loved history and English - and loved to write. She talks about attending Mt. Sac in Pomona in the early days:

“A lot of the G.I.'s who came back from the war just went back and enrolled at Mount San Antonio [College]. A lot of us had never gone on to higher education, so we went to school there. That was quite an experience because Mount San Antonio, if you see it now, is a beautiful college campus. In those days it was in army barracks on dirt hills. We had to climb through mud and rain to get to the barracks to our classes, but it was fun.” (3)


Throughout the interview, Soto’s vibrant personality and optimism shines through. Even though she grew up in poverty with the attendant problems of segregation and discrimination, she says,  “It was a fun life because we used to laugh at everything. No matter what happened, we would make fun of things that happened to us. Being so poor, it didn't really matter.” (15-6)

At the end of the interview, she sums up her life in politics when the interviewer asks her, “Of all the lessons that you learned in your political experiences to date, which stands out most in your mind?” She answers, “About politics, either as a woman, as a wife of a politician, or as a principal player?  Always keep your back to the wall.” (107)


Nell Soto Part I: The Early Years: Growing Up in Segregated Pomona in the 20s, 30s & 40s - Neighborhoods, Swimming Pools, Movie Theaters, Public Schools & Jobs

NELL SOTO:  I’m a sixth or seventh-generation Pomonan. I don't know which, but my dad always said we were seventh generation. I've gone back and counted, but he must have known . . . My grandfather [Antonio Marta Garcia] was from the Palomares and Yorba and Veja people who got the land grants here in Pomona. My great-great-great-grandmother [Nelli Garcia] was a Garcia who married into the Palomareses and Vejars. Some of them are buried here in the historical cemetery [Palomares Cemetery]. My great-grandfather [Forestino Garcia] was born here, and so on, all the way back . . . 


The poor people lived on the south side of the tracks . . . The haves lived on the northside of Holt[Avenue] and the have-nots lived on the south side of Holt. Holt is one of the main streets and runs east and west. What always stands out in my mind is that my dad, being a descendant of one of the founding families, should have been treated with a little more dignity. But there was so much prejudice that if you had brown skin or a Spanish surname, there was a lot of prejudice. At the time it wasn't noticed that there was prejudice. It was just understood that the [Mexican] people here became sort of like the servants, the peons. They picked the oranges and the lemons. The "settlers," as they called them, were the Anglos who bought the land, cultivated it, planted oranges, and became very successful citrus growers. The people who lived in Pomona who were Hispanic and had come here in the late 1700s and early 1800s became the labor force. They're the ones who harvested the oranges and lemons. On the outskirts of Pomona and in Chino there was a great agricultural industry. A lot of people from Pomona worked in the fields in Chino . . .” (4-6)

 

CARLOS VASQUEZ:  When you say discrimination wasn't noticed, by whom was it not noticed? 

Soto: The Anglos.
Vasquez: 
Did you notice it?

Soto:
Oh, yes. (6-7)

Soto: Some people don't like to admit to this—that is, people who are old-timers in Pomona--but Mexicans were not allowed to live on the north side of town.


Vasquez: 
There were restrictive covenants in the selling of homes?

Soto:
There wasn't any [legal] segregation, it was sort of de facto segregation. It wasn't anything that was written. It was just understood that you lived in a certain part of town if you were Mexican. They didn't recognize that you were Spanish, like my dad was. His great-grandmother was from Spain. They didn't recognize it. They didn't really care, and I don't think the dignity that was owed him was given. But he didn't seem to mind. He just went on his way and didn't need them for anything. He just didn't get in their way. My mother never allowed us to be humiliated in that manner. She would say, "No, you don't go there, because you're not wanted. You're not going to go there.”

Vasquez: 
Why were you not wanted at the swimming pool? 

Soto: 
Because we were "Mexicans" even though we were considered Spanish by my parents. They had only one day in which Mexicans could swim.

Vasquez: 
What day was that?

Soto:
I don't remember if it was Monday or Friday, but on that day the pool would be cleaned out at night. Then the Anglo kids would swim. If there was a Mexican child who didn't know the rules and went there, they would just chase him away, ‘No, Mexicans aren't allowed in here.’ The same way in the theaters. There were a lot of places where they wouldn't allow Mexicans. They didn't hire any Hispanics on Second Street until the end of the war.

Vasquez:  What is Second Street?

Soto:
Second Street was where the main shopping [district] used to be. I was one of the first  Hispanlcs to go to work on Second Street. I worked as a salesgirl [at the] National Dollar Store. I'll never forget it, because the man had the courage to give me a job. It must have been 1943 or '44, towards the end of the war. There were only maybe two of us Mexican/ Hispanic girls working on Second Street- At the time my mother used to tell us, “Don't let anybody tell you that you're not as good as anybody else. You go out there and you look for a job. You make them see that you're smart and you can do the job.”  She never really let us believe that we were less than anybody else because we were Hispanic/Mexicans And she used to say, “You're not Mexicans. You just have to remember that. You're not Mexicans as in 'came from Mexico.' You're Spaniards like your father is. You have to remember that.”  My dad was very proud of the fact that he was a Spaniard, a pioneer-native rather than a Mexican. Because he was a Spaniard. But my mother came from Tecate, Baja California. She was very proud of the fact. I could never see myself saying, "I'm Spanish." I always said, "I'm a Mexican."

I didn't see the difference.

Vasquez: 
Now, when the war came along and you went to work in the defense industries, was the composition there pretty reflective of the society? That is to say, was there discrimination there too?

Soto:
In the factory that I worked in in Pomona, there were a lot of Mexican girls from school who went to work there. And there were some Anglos.

Vasquez: 
Was there any pay differential?

Soto: 
No. Not that I knew of. Even my mother worked there, because they needed it. One thing happened which I think is very significant. It's not written in history books, but I think it should be. We moved to the outskirts of Pomona one day, because in those old days, when you were poor, you just kept moving. You moved around a lot.

Vasquez: 
Why was that?

Soto:
Because you just sometimes couldn't afford to pay the rent. You would go two or three months without paying your rent and get evicted-. You’d go find another house for rent. You didn't need a first or last month's rent. You would just need a few dollars and you could move in. We moved to the outskirts of Pomona towards Chino. The Chino school was closer than the Pomona school, so my mother took my little brother and sister there. I didn't want to go there because I was already in high school and wanted to go to Pomona. My mother took the kids to Chino. The schools were segregated. There wasn't any covenant, as you call it, or de facto [segregation]. It was blatant. She took them to the Anglo school [Chino High School]. The principal told my mother that her children couldn't go there because they were Mexicans. 

She asked, “Why? My children are Americans.”

He said, "No. No, they're Mexicans and they can't go here."

She said, ‘Okay, will a bullet go around my son should he go into the service? Since he's a Mexican, is the bullet going to go around him? . . . I want you to answer that. He's an American. He's going to be fighting for his country. Is a bullet going to go around him? Or is it going to stop with him just like it does with the other kids?’

Vasquez: 
What answer did she get?

Soto:
Nothing. He let the kids in . . .

So I used to tell my mother afterwards, during the days of the civil rights movement and everything that was going on, I'd say, ‘Mom, you don't even realize that you were a pioneer in integration, because of what happened in Little Rock [Arkansas] and so forth.’ . . . I said, ‘You know, you were probably one of the first people that had the nerve to stand up to people who were segregating children.’ 

I wish that somebody would have been there to record that, because it was very significant around here. Nobody had the nerve to stand up to those people. And she did. She called him a dirty name.

She said [whispers], ‘You sonuvabitch, is a bullet going to go around my son?’ (7-11)

 


Julian Lucas, is a photographer, a purveyor of books and writer in training, but mostly a photographer. Julian is the founder of Mirrored Society Books. Julian was once called a “bitter artist” on the Nextdoor app. Julian embraces name calling, because he believes when people express themselves uncensored, they are their most creative self.

Pamela Casey Nagler, Pomona-born, is an independent scholar, currently conducting research on California’s indigenous people, focusing on the Spanish, Russian, Mexican and US invasions between 1769 and the 1860s. The point of studying this history is to tell us how we got here from there. 

OPEN LETTER: To the Editors of The Inland Valley Daily Bulletin regarding their Recent Article on the Chino Valley USD’s New Policy Concerning Transgender Students

Photography Courtesy of Julian Lucas ©2023

Published August 7, 2023 8:30 Am PST

Dear Editors,

Tensions are running high with Chino Valley USD’s Board recent adoption of their transgender student policy. That said, your recent article about our State’s Attorney General probe into the legality of this new policy made erroneous statements about what happened in the CVUSD’s Board meeting of July 20th. Our editorial board is asking that you correct the article. In matters as controversial as this one, your newspaper should show no explicit or implicit bias - you should simply print the facts as documented. What is disconcerting is that this  article, with misleading information,  was picked up by the Southern California News Group and circulated all over the Southland, including in the Pasadena Star News.  

The 13th paragraph of your article reads,

"The school board approved the policy at the end of a tense four-hour meeting. The meeting drew a crowd of more than 300 people, including state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond, who left the meeting after exchanging heated remarks with Shaw."

To be clear, Superintendent Tony Thurmond did NOT ‘leave’ the meeting, he was escorted out by 4 school security officers at the behest of the Chino Valley USD Board President Shaw. In addition, Supt. Thurmond did NOT ‘exchange heated remarks’ with CVUSD Board President Shaw. Thurmond, after delivering a respectful public comment expressing the state’s concern for the safety of schoolchildren with such a policy, was returning to his seat, when CVUSD began heckling and shouting at him. At that point, Thurmond returned to the podium reserved for public comment to call for ‘point of order.’ As a former school board member himself, he is well aware of the protocols. It is in violation of Roberts’ Rules of Order for public elected officials to address the public from across the dais asking for anything beyond  basic information needed for clarification purposes. Public officials are NOT supposed to attempt to engage members of the public in back-and-forth dialogue.

This editorial board watched the video numerous times, sent two people to attend the meeting, and transcribed CVUSD Board President Sonja Shaw's comments to CA State Superintendent of Public Instruction, Tony Thurmond.



Transcription of Video Where CVUSD President Sonja Shaw, breaks District protocols and addresses Supt. Tony Thurmond directly.  (Time stamp around 1:24)

CVUSD President: Time. Time. Time. And I learned something from a previous Board president . . .(California Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond is returning to his seat after finishing his one minute public comment. The crowd is shouting.)

Guys - be respectful.

I am going to do a point of order which I learned from a previous Board President. (The CVUSD President at various points from here on raises her voice to shout.)

Tony Thurmond, I appreciate you being here - tremendously - but here is the problem -we are here because of people like you. You are in Sacramento proposing things that (raises voice) PERVERT CHILDREN. You had a chance to come and talk to me, Tony. By all means - you had a chance to talk with me. Why was it so important for you to walk with my opponent? YOU are the very reason why we are in this. 

am going to do a point of order which I learned from a previous Board President. (The CVUSD President at various points from here on out raises her voice to shout.) 

Tony Thurmond, I appreciate you being here - tremendously - but here is the problem -we are here because of people like you. You are in Sacramento proposing things that (raises voice) PERVERT CHILDREN. You had a chance to come and talk to me, Tony. By all means - you had a chance to talk with me. Why was it so important for you to walk with my opponent? YOU are the very reason why we are in this. 

Tony Thurmond: (returns to podium): May I have - as a Point of Order, as the Board President . . . .

CVUSD President: (interrupts, shouting, talking fast): No, this is not your meeting. You can have a seat. Because if I did that to you in Sacramento, you would not accept it. Please sit.

Tony Thurmond: Point of Order.

CVUSD President: You are not going to blackmail us. You have already sent us a blackmailing letter on previous . . . You will not bully us here in Chino! Please sit.

Tony Thurmond: Point of Order!

CVUSD President:
in Chino!

Tony Thurmond:
Point of Order!

CVUSD Board President:
5 Minute Break!  (CVUSD President exits the dais through a curtain behind her.

(On tape, Tony Thurmond, at the podium, is surrounded by at least four school police.)


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